PUBLICIDAD

Iberdrola

Opinion

R-2602: A diplomatic success

diplomacia marruecos

In an unprecedented marathon of international activity, Moroccan diplomacy decided to act on the geo-economic, geopolitical and geocultural vectors as the determining factors of its success, materialised in UN Security Council Resolution 2602 of October 2021, which stipulates Morocco's proposal for autonomy under its sovereignty as the only possible political solution. 

Thus, under the leadership of King Mohammed VI, the Kingdom is embarking on a complex web of multilateral relations initiated in Africa to focus on the major powers with decision-making power in the Security Council (the US, the UK, France, China and Russia), as well as Latin America, Asia and the Arab countries. 

In Africa, Morocco now leads in direct investment and positions itself as a political, economic and religious power, allowing it to reverse several African recognitions of the virtual Polisario Republic. The Maghreb country is keeping Sahelian terrorists at bay, earning it, in 2021, the Co-Presidency of the International Coalition against Da'esh while successfully implementing a geo-cultural or religious policy of an Islam that is widely accepted by Muslim countries in sub-Saharan Africa. 

In this process of internationalisation of relations, France occupies first place, for historical reasons of hegemony in the region, for its exquisite treatment of the Kingdom of Morocco, and for the absence of conflict between the two states thanks to a perfect harmony on all the strategic issues they share. Moreover, France is a decisive power in the UN Security Council and Morocco's main advocate vis-à-vis the EU. Their unbreakable relations go beyond geo-economic or geopolitical factors to become part of a global geo-strategy. The Gallic country appreciates Morocco's relevance in the region and does not hide the Moroccan nature of its Southern Provinces. 

On the other side of the Atlantic, Morocco maintains historic relations with the US, which considers it a strategic partner in Africa and with which it carries out the largest annual military manoeuvres, African Lion, between Agadir and Laayoune. Cooperation between the two countries has become even more solid since the signing of the Abraham Accords, with security, intelligence and military support, including arms production, and, economically, there has been a fruitful free trade alliance since 2006. If Morocco was the first country to recognise the US in 1777, it was also the first to notify the UN Security Council of Morocco's full sovereignty over its Southern Provinces in 2020. These same geostrategic and global relations are being replicated with the UK. Relations that have just celebrated "300 years of prosperity and progress" as the commemorative banner reads. A post-Brexit partnership agreement is already in place with the creation of new maritime routes between Tangier and the south of the UK. Both countries managed to materialise multiple agreements in economy and energy, defence and security, education and culture. 

Major British oil, gas and mining companies (SDX Energy, Altus Strategies, Predator Oil, etc.) are already operating throughout the country at full capacity. In addition, the two countries manage to further develop the already existing military and security agreement (SOFA) that provides for joint exercises in the Strait of Gibraltar. The UK is a member of the UN Security Council and supports Moroccan sovereignty over its Southern Provinces and regularly participates in the African Lion manoeuvres. 

In its diplomatic offensive, Morocco has included China, which has been part of the multilateral circle of its relations since 1999. So fruitful that, despite Covid-19, in January 2021 they signed a memorandum to strengthen them. As a member of the UN Security Council, Beijing neither supports nor recognises Algeria's hired mercenaries and is in favour of Morocco's proposal for autonomy under its full sovereignty. Another giant with which Morocco boasts excellent relations and is today its third largest economic partner in Africa is Russia. Several agreements have been signed between the two (tourism, fishing, mining, energy, etc.), some of which have already been finalised at the Sochi meeting in 2019, and many Russian companies are now operating in Morocco. Russia does not recognise the Polisario separatists and abstained from voting against Resolution 2602. 

Morocco's diplomatic perseverance has led it to Latin America, where it has been spectacularly successful in countering Algerian influence, reversing recognition of the virtual Polisario republic in several countries (Guatemala, Paraguay, Dominican Republic, Haiti, Jamaica, Honduras and Bolivia...).  Colombia not only withdraws its recognition of the Polisario, but has just officially included the Southern Provinces of the Kingdom in its consular constituency. With Brazil, relations have intensified since 2019 and are moving towards a strategic partnership. Indeed, Brazil has become one of the countries invited to take part in the African Lion manoeuvres. It supports Morocco's efforts and its proposal. It neither recognises nor supports the Polisario Front, as does Mexico, with which Morocco has signed more than 10 commercial and scientific agreements. 

At the same time, Morocco is active in Asia, brandishing its political and legal weapons against the Polisario and getting states such as India, Afghanistan, Cambodia and Vietnam to break diplomatic ties with the pro-Algerian mercenaries. All that remains is North Korea, of course. On the other hand, the Cooperation Council of the Gulf States, infallible allies of the Kingdom of Morocco, has just unanimously and officially recognised Morocco's sovereignty over its southern provinces. And the Arab League has just posted on its website the full map of Morocco, including its Sahara, while urging its member countries to adopt it. In fact, no Arab League country recognises the Polisario except for its mentor Algeria. 

In Europe, Morocco has important trade agreements with the EU where cooperation on security and immigration is appreciated, as well as its religious policy which constitutes one of the significant components of its external action. However, Morocco does not expect a joint response from the EU in relation to R-2602, but rather an individual one. This is because, at the geostrategic level, the EU lacks real power or political authority (power politics). In this matter, its members are more prone to bilateral political agreements with third parties than at the EU level. It should not be forgotten that the EU is first and foremost an economic and partly a monetary union, with contradictory and often conflicting political interests. In fact, the Russia-Ukraine conflict that threatens the heart of Europe is being managed by the US while the EU has disappeared, limiting itself to announcing economic sanctions while relying on Russian gas. 

Germany, the European economic power, wisely corrects its position by recognising the Kingdom of Morocco's position and credibility on the international stage by adhering to R-2602. Meanwhile, Spain is resisting in the midst of relations affected by blocking factors that limit the potential of both countries. In particular, Spain is expected to unequivocally support R-2602, reaffirming its customary commitment to UN decisions as a frame of reference, and thus avoid international isolation on a nuclear issue for Morocco, which considers a return to the status quo prior to the hosting of Polisario Ghali inconceivable. 

The diversification of Morocco's alliances is at the heart of its external action as a proactive strategy to give itself a transcendental role in international relations. Not only to serve its own strategic interests, but also to be useful to others. The latter, beyond the historical and legitimate discourse of its claims, is the key to the triumph of Morocco's diplomatic policy in the face of the political violence of the failed Algerian military regime